Redbird Smith was born on July 19, 1850 near the current city of Fort Smith, Arkansas. His father was Pig Redbird Smith, whose surname "Smith" was given to him by European-Americans since his worked as a blacksmith. Redbird Smith's mother was Lizzie Hildebrand Smith. His parents were removed from Georgia to Indian Territory. Both his parents were ardent traditionalists, and at the age of ten, Redbird Smith's "father dedicated him to the services and cause of the Cherokee people in accordance with ancient customs and usages."[1]
The late 19th century the Dawes Commission sought to break up collective tribal land holdings into individual allotments and open up the "surplus" tribal lands to settlement by non-natives. Redbird Smith led a political resistance movement to the Dawes Allotment Act and sought to return to traditional Cherokee religion and values.[2]
In 1887 and 1889, Redbird Smith served as a tribal councilor from the Illinois District of the Cherokee Nation.[3]
Redbird Smith stated in the early 1900s:
“ | "I have always believed that the Great Creator had a great design for my people, the Cherokees. I have been taught that from my childhood up and now in my mature manhood I recognize it as a great truth. Our forces have been dissipated by the external forces, perhaps it has been just a training, but we must now get together as a race and render our contribution to mankind. We are endowed with intelligence, we are industrious, we are loyal and we are spiritual but we are overlooking the Cherokee mission on earth, for no man nor race is endowed with these qualifications without a designed purpose... Our pride in our ancestral heritage is our great incentive for handing something worthwhile to our posterity. It is this pride in ancestry that makes men strong and loyal for their principal in life. It is this same pride that makes men give up their all for their Government.[4] | ” |
Redbird Smith repatriated wampum belts belonging to his tribe.[2] In 1910 he was selected as chief of the Nighthawk Keetoowahs.[5] Previously he had served as their chairman.[6] Also in 1910, Smith and fellow Nighthawks traveled Mexico with an 1820 document supporting Cherokee lands claims but the Mexican government did not support their claims. In 1914, he petitioned President Woodrow Wilson to create a Keetoowah reservation but this was seen as a backward step in the US federal government's assimilation policy. In 1921, a hundred Cherokees from 35 families moved together to the southeastern corner of Cherokee County, Oklahoma, to create a traditional community — "the brainchild of Redbird Smith."[7]
Redbird Smith married Lucy Fields Smith, born in Braggs, Indian Territory in 1852. She was the daughter Richard Fields and Eliza Brewer Fields. Together the Smiths had ten children who survived into adulthood, including eight sons and two daughters.[8]
Redbird Smith is the great-grandfather of current Principal Chief of the Cherokee Nation Chad Smith.[9]
After falling ill for 48 hours, Redbird Smith died on November 8, 1918.[6] He is buried in the Redbird Smith Cemetery in Sequoyah County, Oklahoma.[10]
He served as chief of the Nighthawk Keetoowahs until his death and was succeeded by Levi Gritts.[11] His son Sam Smith became chief of the Nighthawk Keetowahs on April 7, 1919.[8]
The Redbirth Smith ground is an active ceremonial ground in Redbird, Oklahoma, where Smith's June 19th birthday is celebrated annually.
Redbird Smith was born on July 19, 1850 near the current city of Fort Smith, Arkansas. His father was Pig Redbird Smith, whose surname "Smith" was given to him by European-Americans since his worked as a blacksmith. Redbird Smith's mother was Lizzie Hildebrand Smith. His parents were removed from Georgia to Indian Territory. Both his parents were ardent traditionalists, and at the age of ten, Redbird Smith's "father dedicated him to the services and cause of the Cherokee people in accordance with ancient customs and usages."[1]
The late 19th century the Dawes Commission sought to break up collective tribal land holdings into individual allotments and open up the "surplus" tribal lands to settlement by non-natives. Redbird Smith led a political resistance movement to the Dawes Allotment Act and sought to return to traditional Cherokee religion and values.[2]
In 1887 and 1889, Redbird Smith served as a tribal councilor from the Illinois District of the Cherokee Nation.[3]
Redbird Smith stated in the early 1900s:
“ | "I have always believed that the Great Creator had a great design for my people, the Cherokees. I have been taught that from my childhood up and now in my mature manhood I recognize it as a great truth. Our forces have been dissipated by the external forces, perhaps it has been just a training, but we must now get together as a race and render our contribution to mankind. We are endowed with intelligence, we are industrious, we are loyal and we are spiritual but we are overlooking the Cherokee mission on earth, for no man nor race is endowed with these qualifications without a designed purpose... Our pride in our ancestral heritage is our great incentive for handing something worthwhile to our posterity. It is this pride in ancestry that makes men strong and loyal for their principal in life. It is this same pride that makes men give up their all for their Government.[4] | ” |
Redbird Smith repatriated wampum belts belonging to his tribe.[2] In 1910 he was selected as chief of the Nighthawk Keetoowahs.[5] Previously he had served as their chairman.[6] Also in 1910, Smith and fellow Nighthawks traveled to Mexico with an 1820 document supporting Cherokee lands claims but the Mexican government did not support their claims. In 1914, he petitioned President Woodrow Wilson to create a Keetoowah reservation but this was seen as a backward step in the US federal government's assimilation policy. In 1921, a hundred Cherokees from 35 families moved together to the southeastern corner of Cherokee County, Oklahoma, to create a traditional community — "the brainchild of Redbird Smith."[7]
Redbird Smith married Lucy Fields Smith, born in Braggs, Indian Territory in 1852. She was the daughter Richard Fields and Eliza Brewer Fields. Together the Smiths had ten children who survived into adulthood, including eight sons and two daughters.[8]
Redbird Smith is the great-grandfather of current Principal Chief of the Cherokee Nation Chad Smith.[9]
After falling ill for 48 hours, Redbird Smith died on November 8, 1918.[6] He is buried in the Redbird Smith Cemetery in Sequoyah County, Oklahoma.[10]
He served as chief of the Nighthawk Keetoowahs until his death and was succeeded by Levi Gritts.[11] His son Sam Smith became chief of the Nighthawk Keetowahs on April 7, 1919.[8]
The Redbirth Smith ground is an active ceremonial ground in Redbird, Oklahoma, where Smith's June 19th birthday is celebrated annually.
Budd Gritts, a Cherokee Baptist Minister, was appointed to draft a Constitution and Laws of government for the Keetoowah Society, and in response to the changing religious and Political climate of the times. The constitution and Laws of Government was formally adopted by the Keetoowahs who prospered and lived in peace under its provisions for many years.
In 1861 the Keetoowah Society enacted a provision, which stated:
During the period from 1859 to 1889, the Keetoowahs flourished and were strongly united. Almost without exception, the Keetoowahs sided with the Northern States during the Civil War. During this period the Keetoowahs were predominantly Baptists, Methodists, Presbyterians, a few Quakers, and a part of them worshipped according to the rituals of the ancient Keetoowah. Gadugi was strong among the Cherokee people during this period in their history, and Cherokee society was for the most part harmonious. Dissentions began to arise after white Missionaries objected to and condemned what they termed “the Pagan Form of worship” of the ancient Keetoowahs, and designated them as “The work of the Devil.”
Influenced by these white teachers, who were conscientious and sincere in their efforts of Christian work, the members of the different denominations became strictly sectarian in their practice, but there was still no enmity existing.
In 1895 when the question of the allotment of lands to the members of the Five Civilized Tribes was being agitated, the ancient Keetoowahs became very active in opposing the proposed change. In this, however, all the Keetoowah element were united in their opposition to any speedy change. From this time to 1900 the following of Redbird Smith were designated universally as the “Nighthawk Keetoowahs” because of their vigilance in their activities.
The Keetoowah Constitution and Laws of Government was amended in 1889, making it rather a political organization in character. From this period the differences between the Christian Keetoowahs and the Ancient Keetoowahs became more marked, and there was lack of harmony even in their policies of political effort.
In November 1899, the Keetoowah Society convened in Tahlequah to pass resolutions critical of the Cherokee Council and the Dawes Commission, particularly with regard to plans to dispose of Cherokee land and to create a roll without the consent of the Cherokee Nation. They challenged amendments to the Constitution, and resolved to enroll only under protest. The Keetoowahs in convention at Big Tucker Springs on 6 September 1901 decided to enroll with the Dawes Commission led to a final schism between Keetoowah factions. Redbird Smith left the meeting with eleven of his traditionalist supporters to resist enrollment actively, forming the Nighthawk Keetoowahs.
Several hundred Keetoowah Indians, including several groups that started out as members of the Keetoowah Society and left with the Nighthawks in 1901, coalesced to form a number of secretive, traditionalist, exclusive factions. Most of these groups started near Gore, Vian, or Proctor, and adjoining areas. These groups were nascent within the Keetoowah Society as early as 1893, and derived from Goingsnake fire or various of the Four Mothers Nation fires. Like the Nighthawks, these groups generally refused until 1910 or later to accept the work of the Dawes Commission.
While they fully intended to maintain tribal government and functions regardless of the fate of the Cherokee Nation, the Keetoowahs as a body officially acquiesced under protest to the effect of all the legislative provisions that would dissolve Cherokee Nation's government and allot Cherokee lands. They learned that they could not prevent the 1893 Act, the Dawes Commission enrollment, U. S. citizenship, the Curtis Act and the abolition of tribal courts, the Agreement with the Cherokee Nation of April 1, 1900, the 1906 Act and the virtual political dissolution of the ... Cherokee government as of 4 March 1906, presidential approval for all tribal ordinances affecting tribal or individual lands after allotment, and the allotment in severalty of Cherokee lands. See Cherokee Nation v. Southern Kansas R. R. 135 U. S. 641 (1890) and Cherokee Nation v. Journeycake, 155 U. S. 196 (1894).
One hundred and forty years ago a number of traditionalists came together and formed the Keetoowah Society. The organization still exists known as the Nighthawk Keetoowahs and they meet at Stokes Stomp Grounds near Vian. Do not confuse these traditionalists with the political organization of the United Keetoowah Band that was created by the federal government in 1946. But the Nighthawk Keetoowahs on the eve of the American Civil War came together and in their bylaws reflected eloquently the issue that continually faces us. In 1860, the Keetoowah Society wrote:
John Smith, the most influential Nighthawk leader among Redbird Smith's sons, had lost virtually all credibility among Keetoowahs by the 1930s due to his disastrous support of the Oneida con artist Chester Polk Cornelius. Cornelius nearly destroyed the Nighthawk organization with failed get-rich-quick development schemes that left many members landless and destitute. Some Nighthawk spokesmen and leaders now erroneously claim the UKB is a splinter of their religious cult, though the Nighthawks officially withdrew from all political activity after 1901, and barred its members from affiliating with any other groups or entities, including Christian churches. As the number of tribal towns associated with the Nighthawks dwindled from 21 in about 1900 to 3 in 1937, the remnants of the non-political" Nighthawk faction eventually collapsed into a variety of factions. These included two ceremonial grounds run by opposing factions of Redbird Smith's own family at Redbird's and at Stokes Smith's grounds, as well as the Goingsnake "Seven Clans" fire, the Medicine Springs Fire or Medicine Society, and the Four Mothers Nation.
Other Cherokee political factions arose among the Keetoowahs, partly due to concerns about potential claims, partly to organize formally as a federally recognized Tribe: the Cherokee Immigrant Indians, and the Eastern Emigrant and Western Cherokee Association. These factions of Oklahoma Keetoowah Cherokees by blood pulled together a coalition from the northern 14 counties of Oklahoma between 1920 and 1924, electing a Chief (Levi Gritts), and an Executive Council of Cherokees by Blood out of the body of the Keetoowah Society, Inc. During the 1930s, the majority of Keetoowah factions, now without any support of the dwindling Nighthawk separatists, supported the idea of reorganizing all the Keetoowah Cherokees in all the old clan districts as a united Band under the proposed Indian Reorganization Act. The Cherokees by Blood, representing all Cherokee descendants rather than Keetoowahs alone, failed in 1932 to obtain standing as a party to the Cherokee claims litigation.
Redbird Smith's son objected to Redbird Smith's reverence for (but not worship of) Jesus and the posthumous adoption of Jesus into the Keetoowah Society. This history seem a bit confusing, but was recorded in "The Burning Phoenix" by United Keetoowah Band (Federally recognized in 1949) historian Allogan Slagle.
From the 1993 document "The Burning Phoenix:"
"William Lee Smith, current Nighthawk Chief at Stokes Smith's Grounds, says his father, Stokes, took the fire, wampum and pipe, and left the original grounds, but left part of the fire.
The 1984 KJRH-TV documentary, "Spirit of the Fire" called the Keetoowah Nighthawk Society AKA The Original Keetoowah Society the "spiritual core" of the nation in reference to the traditional ceremonies and rituals practiced and maintained by the Keetoowah.
Redbird Smith was an influential Nighthawk member and revitalized traditional spirituality among Cherokees, beginning in the mid 19th century. Today there are seven ceremonial dance grounds in Oklahoma and these either belong to the Keetoowah tradition or the Four Mothers Society. In Redbird Smith's time, there with well over twenty Cherokee Stomp Grounds.
In explaining the Keetoowah wampum belts for the very first time publicly in the 1984 KJRH-TV documentary video produced by Oklahoma newsman Bill Jones, Chief William Smith stated that The Ancient Keetoowah are told that they are the Chief Indian Tribe in the Americas, and that if and when the Great Spirit spoke to the Indians in the Americas, they will deliver the message to the Keetoowah first.
Many Cherokee groups still refer to themselves as "Keetoowah (ki-tu'-wa) people." The original name used to describe all of the Cherokee People was Aniyvwiyai, which means the principal people.
"Back in Georgia from whence the Cherokees originally migrated to the Indian Territory in 1838 and 1839, the old Keetoowah group (City of Keetoowah) was dying out as early as 1835," (Tulsa Tribune, Dec. 28, 1928) stated John L. Springston Tulsa Tribune, Dec. 28, 1928).
Springston had served as a clerk and court reporter in the Saline District before Oklahoma statehood and was a Keetoowah Society Member.
In the early 1900s, anthropologists noted that on ceremonial occasions, Cherokees frequently speak of themselves as Ki-tu-wa-gi," (James Mooney, Myths of the Cherokees, 19th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington Government Printing Office, 1900, pg. 15)
Legends of the ki-tu'-wa people say that the name was given after seven of the wisest men (the seven priests of the ah-ni-ku-ta-ni) of the ancient Cherokees went to the highest peak and fasted for seven days and nights, asking the Creator for guidance. This peak is known today as "Clingman's Dome." On the seventh night of their fast, the Creator told them, "You shall be ki-tu'-wa (the spiritual center of the Cherokee People)."
(Benny Smith, The Keetoowah Society of Cherokee Indians, Masters Dissertation, Northwestern State College, Alva, OK, 1967)
Former Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians Chief Dugan confirms this, "One name for the tribe is 'people of ki-tu'-wa'." ("Where Myth Meets Reality," Washington Post, Sept. 13, 2004)
References
The Stomp Dance is a ceremony that contains both religious and social meaning. To the Muscogee Creeks, Cherokees, and other Southeastern Indians the Stomp Dance is affiliated with the Green Corn Ceremony.
The term "Stomp Dance" is an English term, which refers to the "shuffle and stomp" movements of the dance. In the native Muskogee language the dance is called Opvnkv Haco, which can mean "drunken," "crazy," or "inspirited" dance.[3] This usually refers to the exciting, yet meditative effect the dance and the medicine have on the participants. In the native Shawnee language, the dance is called Nikanikawe which refers to a dance involving friends or nikane. It is also called the Leading Dance by many Shawnees, but most simply call it the "Stomp Dance."
Among Muscogee Creeks and Four Mother's Society members, the Stomp Dance Grounds contain an elevated square platform with the flat edges of the square facing the cardinal directions. Arbors are constructed upon the flat edges of the square in which the men sit facing one of the four directions. This is formally referred to as the Square Ground, which is encircled by a ring-mound of earth. In the center of this is the ceremonial fire, which is referred to by many names including "Mother" fire. Ceremonially, this fire is the focus of the songs and prayers of the people and is considered to be a living sacred being.
Outside of the circle of earth, surrounding the Square Ground are the community's clan-houses. These houses are casually referred to as 'camps' and depending on the traditional level and financial situation of the community may be relatively nice cottages, shanties or in between. Prior to the dance dinner is prepared in these family camps. Throughout the night guests that arrive are welcomed to help eat up the leftovers. The foods eaten at Stomp Dances are typical southern delicacies such as corn bread, mashed potatoes as well as certain specialized Indian dishes such as sofkee, dumplings, hominy, frybread, and numerous traditional dishes.
Kituwah stomp dance grounds are encircled by seven clan arbors. These are influenced by the traditionalist revival among Cherokees during the late 19th century, inspired by Redbird Smith.[4] In 1907, 22 ceremonial grounds were active on Cherokee lands in Oklahoma.[5]
Stickball games are often played at stomp dance grounds.[6] Yuchi stomp dances are held in conjunction with their ritual football games.[7] Especially in Oklahoma, different tribes will participate in each other's dances.[8]
A traditional Stomp Dance grounds is often headed by a male elder. In the Creek and Seminole traditions the Meko or "king" is the primary ceremonial authority. The Meko is assisted by his second in charge called a Heniha, the chief medicine man called a Hillis Hiya and speaker called Meko Tvlvswv or Meko's tongue/speaker. It is important to note that Mekos are not supposed to publicly address the entire grounds and as such that responsibility falls often on Meko Tvlvswsv. A traditional Creek grounds also employs four Tvstvnvkes (warchiefs/generals/police), four head ladies and four alternate head ladies.
The chief speaker calls the people to the dance for each round in the Native language. Every dance must have at least one woman to carry the rhythm. The order of the dancers is male-female-male-female in a continuous spiral or circle with visitors to the ground, then young children, and the odd numbers trailing at the end. The song is led by a lead man who has developed his own song on the multitude of variations of stomp dance songs. The songs are typically performed in call and response form. The dancers circle the fire in counterclockwise direction with slow, stomping steps set to the rhythm created by the women stomping with their shell shakers.[1] As the dance progresses, as many as several hundred people may join the circle. The dance continues until at least four rounds or four songs are completed by the dance leader. At this point, the dance concludes until the next leader is called out to sing. There is normally a 2-5 minute break between leaders. Participants who are making a religious commitment of the ceremony will begin fasting after midnight and "touch medicine" at four different times over night. The medicine is made from specific roots and plants which have been ceremonially gathered by selected "medicine helpers" and prepared by the Hillis Hiya at dawn of the morning of the Dance. This medicine is intended for the physical and spiritual benefit of the members of the dance at the ceremonial ground.
The dance frequently continues throughout the entire night until dawn of the next day. The Stomp Dance is not meant to be a grueling and physically challenging event, but almost every participant on the grounds will dance most of the night.
Stokes Smith Stomp Dance Ground, which is located in an isolated area of the Cherokee Nation tribal lands, is one of approximately seven active Cherokee grounds. Other grounds include, Hossossv Tvlvhvse Ceremonial Ground on the Poarch Creek Indian Reservation near Atmore, Alabama, the White Oak Shawnee Tribe's grounds and various other Creek and Seminole grounds in Oklahoma and Florida. The Eastern Band Cherokee stomp grounds is currently located in Raven's Roost, North Carolina, on the Qualla Boundary. The Creek tribe today has 16 active ceremonial grounds located throughout North East Oklahoma. One of which is located west of Eufaula south of Mill Creek called Flat Rock.
Men sing stomp dance songs in a call-and-answer format. A leader is chosen for a song and the other men provided a chorus.[1] Male dance leaders often carry a handheld turtle shell rattle – most commonly made from box turtles. Among some tribes rattles can be made of gourds or coconuts. Women provided the rhythm with shakers worn on their legs, which are traditional made from turtleshells but can be made from condensed milk cans. During certain dances, a water drum can be used.[1] Ethnomusicologist Victoria Lindsay Levine writes that, "Stomp dance songs are among the most exhilarating and dramatic musical genres in Native America."[9]
The dress of most Stomp Dancers is casual but nice. Most Stomp Dancers keep special attire for ceremonial occasions, but the physical nature of the dance and summery, outdoor conditions of the dance make comfort more important than flair. Women wear skirts and blouses that usually incorporate traditional patterns. The men wear blue jeans or slacks and hats, which are usually cowboy or ballcap styles, usually with a single eagle, hawk or crane feather in the hatband. The ribbon shirt is the standard ceremonial attire for both men and women, which consists of a loose-fitted tunic decorated with ribbons. Cherokee women typically wear full cotton skirts featuring ribbonwork in a rattlesnake pattern.
The women wear turtle shell shakers, or shackles, on both legs[1] (typically 6 to 12 on each leg).[10] The shakers are hollowed out shells which have holes drilled in them and are filled with rocks, shot, soda can lids or anything else that will make them rattle. The traditional Creek and Seminole shell shakers are made of terrapin or box turtle shells. Lydia Sam, a Natchez-Cherokee traditionalist, was the first to dance with tin, condensed milk can leg shackles in the 1920s. Some ground leaders insist on the use of the terrapin by head lady shell shakers. This tradition continues today and most women start out with a set of "cans" before moving up to having their own set of shells. Women stomp dancers are called "Shell Shakers" or "Turtles."
Participants and visitors to a stomp dance ground cannot be under the influence of alcohol or drugs. Depending upon the grounds, they cannot have partaken of either for a prescribed period of time before or after the dance. Photography is not allowed at ceremonial dances. The ceremonies are religious, and many participant do not feel comfortable discussing details with non-Indians, particularly in regards to medicine.[11] Pregnant or menstruating women do not enter the dance circle at ceremonial grounds. Depending on the ground, they may or may not touch medicine.
During the off-season, Stomp Dances are sometimes performed indoors to avoid the winter cold. Some societies incorporate Stomp Dance into pow wows or as educational demonstrations. Caddos,[12] Delaware, and other Woodland and Southern tribes have a secular or social stomp dance tradition. The Chickasaw Nation and Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma currently maintain non-ceremonial grounds for stomp dances and stickball.
from wikipedia